Every day, one story that matters, broken down into three numbered scenarios, each with its own probability. Never fixed — it shifts as the situation changes.
Scénario
Tuesday, open topic
2027 Presidential Election: Who Can Actually Beat the RN?
Published on September 1, 2026
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The question
Eight months from the first round, Marine Le Pen leads every poll (33-38%): can France's still-divided right and left field a candidate able to beat her in the runoff?
The facts
The next presidential election is set for April 18 and May 2, 2027. Emmanuel Macron cannot run again: the Constitution caps consecutive terms at two. The seat is open. To appear on the ballot, each candidate needs at least 500 signatures from elected officials, spread across at least 30 départements or overseas territories — a filter that sharply narrows the starting field: 12 candidates in 2022, 11 in 2017.
The biggest name in this election is still Marine Le Pen. On July 7, 2026, the Paris court of appeal upheld most of her conviction for misusing public funds, but reduced her ineligibility* to 45 months, 30 of them suspended — already covered by the time served since 2025. The practical outcome: she remains eligible for 2027. She immediately filed a final appeal to France's supreme court*, which suspends her sentence while the case is heard. The court has said it intends to rule before the first round, without giving a firm date — a timeline it has itself called "subject to change."
Despite that legal uncertainty, she still leads every poll. Between August 18 and 28, 2026, three different pollsters (Harris Interactive, Ifop-Fiducial, Elabe) put her between 33% and 38% in the first round, far ahead of anyone else — Jordan Bardella, her deputy and backup plan should her ineligibility be confirmed, scores similarly whenever he's tested in her place.
On the other side, neither the right nor the left has managed to unite behind a single candidate. On the right, the idea of a primary* is fading. Bruno Retailleau, chosen as the candidate by Les Républicains in April 2026, is charting his own course with a platform further to the right. For their part, Édouard Philippe and Gabriel Attal, figures of the centrist bloc*, are said to have agreed that whichever of them polls worse will step aside for the other — without saying which, or when.
On the left, the fragmentation is even starker. Jean-Luc Mélenchon announced his own candidacy on May 3, 2026, outside any primary. A primary open to the whole non-Mélenchon left was meant to follow. But on July 9, the Socialist Party chose to run its own closed primary with Place publique instead, which caused the broader plan to collapse. Two days later, Clémentine Autain withdrew her candidacy, denouncing the "pile-up of candidacies"; for her part, Marine Tondelier chose to run independently for the Greens rather than join the PS/Place publique primary. That primary is going ahead anyway, in two rounds on October 9-10 and 16-17, 2026: Raphaël Glucksmann, Ségolène Royal and Olivier Faure are all running in it, alongside two other Socialist MPs. The result: at least four separate left-wing candidacies (Mélenchon, the PS/Place publique primary, Tondelier, and possibly more), on top of a right that is just as fractured.
One thing the numbers above can't capture: perceptible discontent within part of the traditional left-wing electorate could translate into mobilization or street pressure on declared candidates, beyond the primaries alone. Neither candidates nor pollsters have any incentive to commission a poll testing that hypothesis — so it's absent from the polls cited here not because it's unlikely, but simply because it's never measured (see our method, in French).
Comprendre
A candidate can make the runoff without gaining a single point — if no one on the other side unites.
In 2002, Jean-Marie Le Pen knocked Lionel Jospin out in the first round with just 16.9% of the vote — an almost trivial score for a runoff. The left was splintered across eight candidates. Today, the RN has also been stuck around 33-38% for years. What has changed is that, as in 2002, the right and the left both remain unable to unite behind a single name.
And the runoff itself? An Ifop-Fiducial poll from August 24-25 has Marine Le Pen beating every one of the six rivals tested: 54% against Gabriel Attal, 54% against François Hollande, 55% against Raphaël Glucksmann, and up to 67% against Jean-Luc Mélenchon. Hollande, not a declared candidate and absent from any primary, has never really left the stage since returning to the National Assembly in 2022: since 2026 he's been showing growing signs of preparing a comeback (a fundraising association, campaign offices in Paris), as a fallback should Raphaël Glucksmann falter. Other pollsters, like Odoxa, have published configurations in which Édouard Philippe would beat her instead — a gap between polls that shows how much the outcome depends on which name each side ultimately settles on, not on some already-fixed trend.
We covered this story back in early August, right after Marine Le Pen's candidacy had just been cleared on appeal (see our article, in French, for how this landscape first took shape). Three weeks on, nothing is really settled: either a camp finally manages to unite and becomes competitive against the RN, or the current fragmentation simply drags on, or it gets even worse, between failed primaries and legal uncertainty that lasts all the way to the vote.
Beyond the duel with the RN itself, several other issues will shape the campaign between now and April 2027. The budget, a perilous exercise for the Lecornu government, comes back around every autumn (see our article, in French). Pensions, an explosive file no one wants to reopen, will resurface too (see our article, in French). And foreign interference in the vote itself — hacking, recommendation algorithms — will stay under watch (see our article, in French). Climate will also weigh on the debate, with an already-cut environment budget and shaky 2030 commitments (see our article, in French). Purchasing power, immigration and security round out the list of the most-watched themes.
Scénario will keep following this story through the first round, and there will likely be plenty of twists along the way: the outcome of the PS/Place publique primary in mid-October, the supreme court's ruling on Marine Le Pen's appeal, and whether or not Édouard Philippe and Bruno Retailleau reach a deal on the right.
To help place who's who: here are the main parties and their representatives, from the far right to the far left, with their known odds of beating the RN in the runoff.
The political landscape, from the far right to the far left
1RN — Marine Le Pen (or Jordan Bardella)33-38% in the first round, leading every poll for months. This is the candidate everyone else has to beat in the runoff — there's no "odds of beating the RN" for the RN itself.
2LR — Bruno Retailleau6-9% in the first round (Elabe/Harris, August 18-19, 2026) — too low to be tested in a runoff against the RN at this stage.
3Horizons (centrist bloc) — Édouard Philippe14-19% in the first round, sliding since spring. Best known runoff score: 48% against Jordan Bardella (Odoxa, May 2026) — but that result is several months old.
4PS/Place publique — Raphaël Glucksmann17-18% in the first round (Ifop, August 26, 2026). In a runoff: 45% against Marine Le Pen (Ifop-Fiducial, August 24-25, 2026).
5Greens — Marine Tondelier3.5-4% in the first round (Elabe, August 29, 2026) — too low to be tested in a runoff against the RN at this stage.
6LFI — Jean-Luc Mélenchon16-17% in the first round. In a runoff: 33% against Marine Le Pen (Ifop-Fiducial, August 24-25, 2026), the widest gap of the tested configurations.
Of these 6 parties, only 3 candidates (Philippe, Glucksmann, Mélenchon) have actually been tested in a runoff against the RN — the others still poll too low in the first round for pollsters to include them.
RN score in the first round33-38% Le Pen or Bardella, 3 pollsters, August 18-28, 2026
Best runoff score against Le Pen46% Most favorable configuration tested, Ifop, August 24-25, 2026
Favorable, stable or degraded
Can either camp finally unite to offer a real choice against the RN?
What we're assessing
Does either the right or the left finally manage to unite behind a single candidate? Does the current fragmentation simply drag on until the vote? Or does it get worse still, between failed primaries and unresolved legal uncertainty?
Note: "favorable" here answers only the question posed above — does either camp find a candidate able to beat the RN in the runoff — not a preference for any party or candidate. Scénario takes no political position. Learn more about our method →
Favorable
20%
Unlikely
The right or the left unites and pulls back ahead of the RN in the runoff
By spring, one camp finally manages to line up behind a single name: either the October primary produces a left-wing candidate able to also win over Jean-Luc Mélenchon's voters in the runoff, or Édouard Philippe and Bruno Retailleau finally strike a deal on the right. That single candidate then picks up the votes currently scattered across several contenders, without the RN gaining ground — its score stays close to its current ceiling.
This is the least likely of the three scenarios: neither the left-wing primary nor the talks on the right have produced a real agreement so far, only intentions. It remains less likely than the stable scenario, which simply extends divisions already in place, and especially less likely than the degraded scenario, which starts from even deeper fragmentation.
Indicators affected
RN score in round 1≈ 33-35%→(vs 33-38%, Aug. 2026)
Best runoff score against Le Pen≈ 51-55%↑(vs 46%, Aug. 2026)
The France angle
A genuinely competitive runoff would give the next president broader legitimacy to govern — a direct issue for a National Assembly without a stable majority since 2024, budget included. ↑ Rather favorable for France.
Stable
50%
Fairly likely
The right and left stay divided, and the RN wins as expected
The left-wing primary produces a candidate, but Jean-Luc Mélenchon refuses to back them and keeps running on his own. On the right, Édouard Philippe, Gabriel Attal and Bruno Retailleau each run separately, for lack of a deal reached in time. The first-round field ends up looking much like today's: the RN far out front, with five or six candidates each pulling in between 8% and 18% behind it. In the runoff, whoever qualifies against the RN loses, by roughly the same margins as today's polls.
This is the most likely of the three scenarios: it simply extends a dynamic that has been in place for months, with neither camp showing any concrete sign of uniting at this stage. More likely than the favorable scenario, which assumes an agreement never yet seen; more likely too than the degraded scenario, which assumes a clear worsening of the current situation.
Indicators affected
RN score in round 1≈ 35-38%→(vs 33-38%, Aug. 2026)
Best runoff score against Le Pen≈ 44-48%→(vs 46%, Aug. 2026)
The France angle
The current fragmentation drags on to the vote: even a routine runoff wouldn't solve France's real problem since 2024 — the lack of a stable majority in the National Assembly to govern after the election. ↓ Rather unfavorable for France.
Degraded
30%
Likely
Fragmentation worsens and legal uncertainty drags on to the vote
The left-wing primary fails to win support beyond its own camp, while on the right Philippe, Attal and Retailleau neutralize one another without any of them truly breaking through. The number of declared or expected candidacies exceeds that of 2017 and 2022 at the same distance from the vote. Another source of uncertainty: the supreme court still hasn't ruled on Marine Le Pen's appeal just weeks before the first round, fueling tension over the legitimacy of the candidacy leading the polls.
This scenario remains less likely than the stable one, since the current fragmentation should already be drawing attempts at realignment before spring. But it's more likely than the favorable scenario: the left-wing primary already excludes Jean-Luc Mélenchon, and talks on the right have, at this stage, produced no written agreement — the same obstacles blocking unity today could just as easily last all the way to the vote.
Indicators affected
RN score in round 1≈ 38-42%↑(vs 33-38%, Aug. 2026)
Best runoff score against Le Pen≈ 35-40%↓(vs 46%, Aug. 2026)
The France angle
A crisis of electoral legitimacy — an unresolved court case, record fragmentation — would weaken the next president from day one in office, with a heightened risk of the kind of governmental instability seen since 2024. ↓ Rather unfavorable for France.
Rough estimates for the 3 scenarios above, based on the information available at publication and reassessed as the situation changes — never guaranteed forecasts. Learn more about our method →
The essentials
Eight months from the vote, can either camp finally unite to offer a real choice against the RN, which leads the polls by a wide margin?
Between August 18 and 28, 2026, three pollsters put Marine Le Pen (or Jordan Bardella) between 33% and 38% in the first round of the 2027 presidential election, far ahead of a right and left still divided among several candidates.
The most likely scenario (50%): the current fragmentation drags on to the vote, and whoever qualifies against the RN in the runoff loses by margins close to today's polls, around 46-54%.
Signal to watch: the outcome of the left-wing primary on October 9-10 and 16-17, 2026, and any announced deal between Édouard Philippe and Bruno Retailleau on the right.
Fairly negative
Our assessment of the impact on France: fairly negative. The stable scenario (50%) and the degraded scenario (30%) both leave France in unresolved political fragmentation, against just a 20% chance that either camp finally unites to offer a clear choice.
A penalty that bars a convicted person from running in an election, for a period set by the ruling.
Final appeal to the Court of Cassation
The last resort against a court ruling, reviewed by France's supreme court, which checks whether the law was correctly applied without re-examining the facts.
Primary
An internal vote organized by a party or coalition to pick, ahead of the main election, the single candidate who will run under its banner.
Centrist bloc
The political camp descended from Macron's movement and its allies (Horizons, Renaissance, part of the center-right), currently without a single designated leader for 2027.